What We Should All Have in Common: A Case for Decency, Responsibility, and the Common Good

I’ve often said that good people share a lot of common ground. As the United States braces for the midterm results and the fallout, I want to point out what I believe we should all be united on.

We live in an extraordinarily divided country. Political disagreements have increasingly become personal, ideological differences are often treated as moral failings, and people seem more interested in identifying the shortcomings of those who disagree with them than in finding common ground. We have become accustomed to defining ourselves by what we oppose rather than by what we believe in common.

I find this unfortunate because I suspect people from very different political, economic, religious, and philosophical backgrounds share far more fundamental values than our political discourse would lead us to believe.

I am not suggesting that we abandon our convictions, compromise our principles, or pretend that meaningful disagreements do not exist. Legitimate differences exist between conservatives, liberals, progressives, libertarians, and socialists. We will continue to disagree about the appropriate size and responsibilities of government, taxation, economic regulation, immigration, foreign policy, and the proper balance between individual freedom and collective responsibility.

But perhaps we should begin with a different question: Before we argue about how America should be governed, can we agree on what kind of country we want to live in?

I believe there are certain principles that all decent people, regardless of political affiliation, should be able to embrace.

First, we should share an appreciation for America without requiring historical amnesia.

America has committed serious injustices, both at home and abroad. Slavery, racial discrimination, the treatment of indigenous populations, and numerous failures of American foreign policy are part of our history. We should neither minimize nor excuse them. But we should not reduce our understanding of America exclusively to its failures.

America has also made extraordinary progress. In particular, the transformation in the legal, political, educational, and economic opportunities available to Black Americans represents a profound historical development. That progress does not mean discrimination has disappeared or that every problem has been resolved. It does mean that we should recognize the country’s capacity for self-correction and reform.

Patriotism should not require us to defend every decision America has ever made. Equally, recognizing our shortcomings should not require us to abandon appreciation for what this country represents and what it has accomplished. We should be able to love our country while remaining intellectually honest about its history.

Second, we should all recognize the fundamental importance of individual liberty.

The freedom to speak, think, worship, associate, and pursue our own understanding of a meaningful life should not depend on our political beliefs. Free expression matters most when the ideas being expressed are unpopular or uncomfortable.

A society that protects only agreeable speech does not truly protect free speech. We should be able to challenge institutions, criticize elected officials, question established ideas, and engage in vigorous disagreement without automatically treating opposing viewpoints as dangerous or illegitimate.

This requires a certain degree of intellectual humility. None of us possesses a monopoly on truth, and the willingness to listen to arguments that challenge our assumptions is essential to a functioning democracy.

Third, we should all want a safe and secure country.

Public safety is not a partisan issue. People should be able to walk their neighborhoods, raise their families, operate businesses, and participate in public life without fear of violence or intimidation.

Likewise, every sovereign country has a legitimate interest in controlling its borders and determining who may enter. Immigration can enrich a country economically and culturally, and America has benefited enormously from generations of immigrants. But compassion toward those seeking a better life must coexist with a responsibility to maintain a lawful and orderly immigration system. We must carefully consider who is admitted, under what circumstances, and who must be denied entry.

We should be able to discuss immigration without dehumanizing immigrants or dismissing legitimate concerns about national security, economic pressures, and the rule of law.

Fourth, we should recognize our collective responsibility toward people who are struggling.

There are Americans who cannot afford adequate healthcare, who struggle to find housing, who work full-time and still have difficulty meeting basic expenses, and who find themselves in circumstances from which escaping is extraordinarily difficult.

We should care about these people.

We may disagree about whether particular problems are best addressed through private enterprise, public programs, insurance reform, charitable institutions, or some combination of approaches. But ideological disagreement should not excuse indifference.

Healthcare is a particularly important example. We should want a system that provides access to necessary care without imposing unreasonable financial burdens on individuals and families. We should examine different approaches, acknowledge what works, and abandon what doesn’t.

The objective should be to improve people’s lives, not win an ideological argument.

Fifth, we should approach war and foreign policy with extraordinary seriousness.

We should never exercise military power casually. I am not naive enough to believe that war can always be avoided. Circumstances exist in which military action is necessary to defend our country, protect our interests, or respond to genuine threats.

But the decision to send Americans into combat should require the highest level of scrutiny. We should be extremely reluctant to engage in unilateral military action without meaningful congressional involvement and constitutional authorization. We should consider the consequences, the objectives, the costs, and the possibility that our intervention could make an already difficult situation worse.

American lives should never become expendable instruments of political ambition.

This brings me to another point that deserves greater recognition: We should honor our veterans and those who have served in our armed forces, while also respecting the Americans who have opposed wars they believed were unnecessary or unjustified.

Military service deserves respect and gratitude. But so is principled dissent. Antiwar activists have sometimes sacrificed careers, reputations, and personal freedoms to challenge decisions they believed placed American lives at unnecessary risk.

We should not confuse opposition to a particular war with hostility toward the men and women who serve. Both the veteran and the conscientious antiwar activist can be motivated by a genuine concern for their country.

Sixth, we should all want a prosperous economy that provides genuine opportunity.

Economic prosperity is not an abstract statistic. It affects virtually every dimension of our lives. It determines whether families can afford homes, whether young people can establish themselves, whether businesses can expand, whether workers can earn a decent living, and whether individuals can enjoy some measure of financial security.

A struggling economy creates enormous difficulties for its citizens, regardless of their political affiliations.

We should therefore encourage entrepreneurship, innovation, investment, competition, and productive enterprise. We should recognize the extraordinary risks that entrepreneurs take when they invest their money, develop businesses, employ people, and introduce products and services that improve our lives.

We should never demonize wealth simply because someone has accumulated more of it than someone else. Wealth honestly earned through productive activity is not something to resent. It often results from years of work, sacrifice, risk-taking, and ingenuity.

At the same time, we should distinguish legitimate wealth creation from corruption, political favoritism, monopolistic practices, and the use of government power to protect private interests. A healthy economy requires fair competition and a government that does not become an instrument of privileged economic interests.

Respect for entrepreneurship should not require indifference toward working people. Workers deserve fair treatment, reasonable opportunities, and the freedom to organize and bargain collectively. No inherent contradiction exists between a productive capitalist economy and respect for organized labor.

Seventh, we should recognize the importance of personal responsibility.

This is an area in which I believe our political conversations frequently become distorted.

We should encourage people to take responsibility for their decisions and understand their consequences. Government cannot and should not be expected to correct every personal failing, financial mistake, or irresponsible choice.

Individual independence, self-reliance, discipline, and accountability are important characteristics of a healthy society.

However, personal responsibility should not be confused with the belief that everyone begins life with the same opportunities or that every hardship is self-inflicted. Illness, disability, economic circumstances, family responsibilities, and simple misfortune can profoundly affect an individual’s life.

We can acknowledge these realities while still believing that personal responsibility matters.

Compassion and accountability are not mutually exclusive. We should help people when genuine help is necessary, but we should also encourage them to exercise whatever agency and responsibility their circumstances permit.

Eighth, we should demand accountability from our government and our representatives.

Our elected officials are public servants. They are not entitled to permanent positions of privilege, and they should never lose sight of the fact that their salaries, benefits, and authority ultimately come from the people they represent.

We should expect honesty, transparency, fiscal responsibility, and a genuine commitment to public service.

This should apply equally to Republicans and Democrats. We should not excuse corruption, dishonesty, or abuses of power simply because the individuals responsible belong to our preferred political party.

We should also be concerned about the growing relationship between political power and corporate influence. When businesses depend on government favors, subsidies, regulatory protection, or privileged access, the line between public service and private interest becomes dangerously blurred.

Our economic system should reward innovation and productive activity, not political connections.

Ninth, we should respect institutions without surrendering our right to criticize them.

Constitutional government, independent courts, universities, a free press, and democratic institutions are important components of a functioning society.

But respect for institutions should never become blind allegiance. Institutions are operated by human beings, and human beings make mistakes, pursue personal interests, and sometimes abuse their authority.

We should be able to criticize universities without being hostile to education, criticize the press without opposing journalism, and question government agencies without rejecting the necessity of government itself.

The objective should be institutional improvement, not institutional destruction.

Tenth, we should recognize that social cohesion is essential to a functioning society.

We will not agree with one another on every political, religious, cultural, or philosophical question. Nor should we expect to.

But we should be able to live alongside people whose beliefs differ considerably from our own.

We should resist the temptation to turn every disagreement into a moral confrontation. Someone who votes differently from us is not automatically ignorant, malicious, or incapable of understanding the issues.

A functioning society requires mutual respect, tolerance, and a willingness to coexist.

This is not an argument against vigorous debate. It is an argument for remembering that our political opponents are also our neighbors, coworkers, friends, and fellow citizens.

Eleventh, we should value history, education, and independent thought.

We should want an educated population capable of examining evidence, questioning assumptions, and recognizing the difference between an argument and a slogan.

Education should not be an exercise in political conformity. Universities and schools should expose students to competing ideas, encourage intellectual curiosity, and teach them how to evaluate arguments rather than simply instructing them what to believe.

We should also be willing to examine history honestly, including the portions that challenge our political identities.

Reading authors with whom we disagree is not an act of surrender. It is an opportunity to understand the world more completely.

Our political beliefs should be the product of reflection and examination, not merely inherited loyalties.

Twelfth, we should respect freedom of conscience.

Religious belief, or the absence of religious belief, should remain a matter of individual conscience. People should be free to practice their faith, change their beliefs, or reject organized religion altogether.

We should not impose religious conformity through government, nor should we treat religious people as intellectually inferior or somehow less deserving of a place in public life.

A society that respects freedom of conscience recognizes that individuals can arrive at different conclusions about life’s most fundamental questions while still sharing a common commitment to peaceful coexistence.

Thirteenth, we should care about the generations that follow us.

We have an obligation to leave our children and grandchildren a country in which they can build meaningful lives.

That means managing our national debt, the quality of education, infrastructure, environmental stewardship, economic opportunity, and the preservation of constitutional freedoms.

We should not sacrifice the country’s long-term health for immediate political gratification. Nor should we make promises to future generations that we have no intention of financing or honoring.

Our responsibility extends beyond our own lifetimes.

Finally, we should recognize that character matters more than political affiliation.

This may be the most important principle of all.

Honesty, courage, humility, fairness, generosity, self-discipline, and intellectual curiosity are not conservative or liberal characteristics. They are human virtues.

We should judge people by their actions, the integrity of their arguments, and how they treat others, rather than simply by the political labels they embrace.

We should be willing to admit when we are wrong, acknowledge when someone we disagree with makes a valid point, and resist the temptation to sacrifice our principles for political convenience.

This is where I find Aristotle’s philosophy particularly relevant. His understanding of the good society was not simply about establishing laws or distributing political power. It was also about cultivating citizens who can exercise judgment, develop character, and contribute to a common life.

His concept of the common good offers an important starting point for a society increasingly preoccupied with competing interests and political identities.

We do not have to agree on the precise role of government, the appropriate level of taxation, the structure of healthcare, or the best way to organize an economy to recognize that certain human objectives are worth pursuing together.

We can disagree about the means while recognizing the importance of the ends.

I don’t expect everyone to agree with every point I’ve made. I don’t agree with everyone who shares my general political outlook, and I certainly don’t expect those who disagree with me to abandon their convictions.

What I do believe is that we have much more in common than our political discourse suggests.

We should all want a country that is safe, prosperous, compassionate, free, and governed responsibly. We should want economic opportunity without corruption, individual liberty without abandoning social responsibility, compassion without eliminating personal accountability, and patriotism without historical blindness.

We should honor those who defend our country while retaining the courage to question the decisions that put them in harm’s way. We should respect wealth creation without tolerating the abuse of economic power. We should help those who are struggling without forgetting the importance of individual responsibility.

We should be able to love America without believing it is perfect, criticize our government without despising our country, and disagree with our neighbors without regarding them as enemies.

Perhaps our greatest mistake is letting political ideology become the primary measure of a person’s character. Before we are Republicans, Democrats, conservatives, liberals, socialists, or libertarians, we are human beings who share a society and have a responsibility toward one another.

I don’t believe a healthy society requires uniformity of thought. Quite the opposite. It requires the freedom to disagree, the wisdom to recognize legitimate differences, and the character to coexist despite them.

We may disagree about the road we take, but surely we can agree on the kind of society we should be trying to build.

And perhaps that is where we should begin.