When ‘Religious Liberty’ turned on the Jews — and corrected itself

The removal of a commissioner after an antisemitism hearing controversy offers a lesson in accountability

When President Donald Trump established the Religious Liberty Commission, the stated mission was straightforward: defend Americans’ free exercise of religion and confront rising threats to people of faith.

That mission is not controversial. Synagogues require security. Churches are vandalized. Mosques face harassment. Religious liberty, at its best, is one of the few issues that should unite Americans across ideological lines.

Instead, the commission found itself in controversy — first over structural concerns raised by critics who argued it lacked sufficient religious diversity, and then over substance during a recent hearing on antisemitism.

Philkon Phil Konstantin, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

At that hearing, commissioner Carrie Prejean Boller pressed witnesses on whether anti-Zionism should be considered antisemitic, repeatedly framing Israel as a “foreign country” and amplifying rhetoric that many Jewish leaders viewed as inflammatory. What was meant to examine hatred directed at Jews in America became, instead, a proxy debate over Israel.

That shift struck a nerve — and not only among partisans.

There is a legitimate academic debate about anti-Zionism and antisemitism. But a US government hearing on domestic antisemitism is not the place to conduct it. When American Jews appear to be placed in the position of explaining their relationship to Israel before their safety concerns are addressed, the optics are unmistakable. It begins to resemble a loyalty test.

American Jews are not required to pass a foreign policy exam to merit protection under American law. Their rights do not depend on their views of Jerusalem, Gaza or Israeli politics. To pivot a domestic antisemitism hearing into a referendum on Zionism risks reviving one of the oldest suspicions directed at Jews: divided allegiance.

The backlash was swift. And ultimately, the commission acted. Boller has now been removed.

That decision matters.

It signals that whatever the internal disagreements may be, the commission understands the difference between religious liberty and rhetorical provocation. It reflects an acknowledgment that an antisemitism hearing must remain focused on antisemitism — not on whether Jewish national identity is politically fashionable.

Accountability is not weakness. It is institutional maturity.

The removal also changes the broader narrative surrounding the commission. Critics who argued that it risked ideological imbalance now face a different reality: when controversy erupted, the body did not double down. It corrected course.

That does not erase the misstep. But it does prevent the episode from calcifying into something worse.

We are living through a period in which antisemitism increasingly wears political language. The slurs of the past have not disappeared, but hostility toward Jews is often refracted through debates about Israel. Not every critic of Israeli policy is antisemitic — that would be absurd. But when Jewish identity itself becomes suspect, when Jews are implicitly asked to distance themselves from Zionism in order to be seen as fully American, something corrosive is taking root.

Government commissions must tread carefully in that terrain. Words spoken from official platforms carry weight beyond their immediate audience.

The Religious Liberty Commission now has an opportunity. It can reaffirm that antisemitism is a domestic civil rights issue. It can emphasize that religious liberty means protecting Jews, Christians, Muslims and others without entangling their safety in geopolitical disputes.

The lesson here is larger than one commissioner. Religious liberty depends on trust — trust that government bodies will protect all faith communities without prejudice or ideological filtering. When that trust wavers, correction must be swift.

In this case, it was.

The commission was created to defend Americans’ right to live their faith without fear. That includes Jews — without preconditions, disclaimers or distance from Israel.

If the body remains disciplined in that mission, this episode will be remembered not as proof of bias, but as proof that lines can still be drawn — and enforced.

In a climate where institutions too often refuse to admit error, that, in itself, is something worth noting.

About the Author
Stephen M. Flatow is president of the Religious Zionists of America- Mizrachi (not affiliated with any Israeli or American political party) and the father of Alisa Flatow who was murdered by Iranian sponsored Palestinian terrorists in April 1995. He is the author of "A Father's Story: My Fight For Justice Against Iranian Terror" now available on Amazon in an expanded paperback edition, and the proud grandparent of 16 and great-grandparent of Avigayil Ora, the Duchess, and Esther Pesya, the Countess. This blog will be sometimes serious, sometimes light, but I hope always interesting.
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