After the Elections: Time to Rebuild the State

Every election cycle in Israel promises stability, governability, responsibility, and hope. Yet time and again, the public discovers that the problem is not merely the government of the day or the politicians who lead it. The problem runs much deeper: Israel’s constitutional and political framework is no longer suited to a complex, divided, and modern society in the twenty-first century. That is why, precisely now, after yet another election cycle, the focus should shift away from the question of who won and who lost and toward a far more important question: How should this country be governed in the decades ahead? Three national priorities should stand at the top of the agenda: the separation of religion and state, the enactment of a constitution, and a comprehensive reform of the system of government.

A Modern State Cannot Continue Without a Constitution

Israel remains an international anomaly. Nearly eight decades after its founding, it still lacks a comprehensive constitution that clearly defines the relationship among the branches of government, establishes the limits of their authority, and safeguards the fundamental rights of its citizens. Instead, Israel is governed through a patchwork of Basic Laws, judicial precedents, temporary arrangements, and political compromises. The result is a perpetual struggle between the Knesset, the government, and the Supreme Court. Every political crisis quickly becomes a constitutional crisis because there is no agreed-upon framework for resolving disputes. No state can rely indefinitely on improvisation. A democratic society requires clear rules of the game. A constitution is not a document for the Left or the Right. Its purpose is to provide stability, predictability, and democratic safeguards precisely when political tensions are at their highest. Israel does not need another temporary compromise. It needs a durable constitutional settlement.

The Separation of Religion and State Is a Civic Necessity, not a Culture War

For more than seven decades, key aspects of Israelis’ lives have been governed by religious arrangements rooted in the pre-state status quo agreement of 1947. Marriage and divorce, public transportation on the Sabbath, conversion, kosher certification, and numerous other issues have become permanent battlegrounds in Israeli politics. The consequence is a paradoxical reality in which religious Israelis often feel that tradition is under threat, while secular Israelis feel that their personal freedoms are restricted. The current situation serves neither side. Separating religion and state does not require abandoning Israel’s Jewish character. On the contrary, it allows religion to flourish through conviction and choice rather than political coercion. It can guarantee freedom of religion alongside freedom from religious coercion, preserve Israel’s Jewish identity, and respect the diverse ways in which its citizens choose to live. Precisely because Israel is both Jewish and democratic, it needs a clearer distinction between the areas in which the state acts on behalf of all citizens and those in which faith and community should operate voluntarily.

The Current System of Government Produces Crises Instead of Solving Them

The third challenge may be the most pressing of all: the structure of government itself. For years, Israeli governments have become increasingly dependent on narrow and fragile coalition arrangements. Small parties often wield political power far beyond their electoral weight. Governments are forced to devote enormous energy to day-to-day political survival rather than long-term planning. Budgets and policies are frequently shaped by coalition bargaining instead of national priorities. The consequences are visible across virtually every policy area: housing, transportation, healthcare, education, public security, and infrastructure.

Israel faces immense challenges, including social inequality, the cost-of-living crisis, housing shortages, political polarization, security threats, and complex demographic realities. None of these problems can be effectively addressed through a political system that lurches from one crisis to the next. The time has come for a serious national discussion about alternative institutional models: raising the electoral threshold, introducing regional representation, strengthening the Knesset’s oversight role, imposing term limits on prime ministers, or adopting other mechanisms that enhance stability and accountability. The specific solutions can be debated, but the broader conclusion is difficult to avoid: the status quo is no longer working.

This Is Not a Question of Left and Right

The greatest mistake would be to reduce this discussion to yet another battle between political camps. The central question is not whether the Left or the Right should prevail. The real question is whether Israel possesses the institutional tools required to confront the challenges ahead. Nations are judged not only by their military strength or economic performance but also by their ability to build stable institutions that function even in times of intense disagreement. Israel has repeatedly demonstrated its resilience against external threats. It must now prove that it is capable of reforming itself from within. The latest election should not simply mark the beginning of another government. It should mark the beginning of a new national conversation about how to build a more effective, stable, and free state. Because the most important debate in Israel today is no longer who should govern the system. It is whether the system itself remains capable of governing the country.