Yehuda Lukacs
Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?

Bibi’s Iran Bluff

When Benjamin Netanyahu stands before the Israeli public and the world, warning that time is running out to stop Iran’s nuclear program, he is not just playing the statesman; he is playing with fire—and bluffing. The Israeli prime minister, despite his doomsday rhetoric and the Israel Defense Forces’ loud signaling of readiness, knows full well that launching an attack on Iran would have devastating consequences for Israel. Far worse than October 7. Netanyahu badly needs a US-Iran agreement and hopes that renewed rounds of negotiations between Washington and Tehran will lead to a deal. Trump fully understands that.

Behind the scenes, Netanyahu is acutely aware of Iran’s real military capabilities. A direct assault on Iran’s nuclear sites would not go unanswered. Tehran’s precision missile arsenal could unleash a multi-front onslaught that would dwarf the horror of the October 7 Hamas attack. Israel’s major cities would be within reach.

The military calculus that might have favored Israel in 2012 has undergone a fundamental shift. While Netanyahu was genuinely prepared to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities over a decade ago, Tehran’s defensive and offensive capabilities have undergone a dramatic transformation that makes such an attack virtually suicidal today.

Iran now possesses an estimated 3,000 ballistic and cruise missiles capable of reaching Israeli territory, including hypersonic variants that can evade Israel’s multi-layered defense systems. The precision-guided missiles can strike within meters of their targets, threatening Israel’s critical infrastructure—power plants, ports, military bases, and the Dimona nuclear reactor. Unlike the crude rockets fired by Hamas or the Houthis’ missiles, Tehran’s arsenal includes sophisticated weapons systems that could overwhelm the Arrow and David’s Sling defenses through sheer volume and advanced technology.

Iran itself is no less wary of war. Despite its fiery rhetoric and expanding missile capabilities, Tehran understands the risks of direct confrontation with Israel and the United States. A full-scale war could cripple Iran’s economy, unravel its regional alliances, and provoke internal unrest. Iranian leaders know their regime’s survival depends on managing tensions without igniting a conflict they cannot control. Like Netanyahu, they are playing a dangerous game—leveraging threat and perception to achieve political and strategic gains, while hoping diplomacy prevails in the end.

The trauma of October 7 has paradoxically made Israelis more cautious about military adventures, not more aggressive. The public has witnessed firsthand how quickly a “manageable” security situation can spiral into catastrophe. Many Israelis now question whether their government can adequately protect them from the kind of sustained, multi-front assault that an Iranian retaliation would unleash.

Moreover, Israel’s reserve forces are already stretched thin from ongoing operations in Gaza and the West Bank. Israel lacks the personnel and resources for a prolonged conflict with Iran while maintaining security on other fronts. The Israeli public, acutely aware of these limitations, increasingly views the prime minister’s Iran rhetoric as political theater designed to distract from domestic failures rather than serious military planning.

American public opinion presents an even steeper challenge for this dangerous gambit. Exhausted by two decades of Middle Eastern wars, Americans show little appetite for another conflict. The majority of Americans oppose military involvement in any Israeli-Iranian conflict and believe diplomatic engagement should be prioritized over military threats.

Both the Biden administration and now the Trump administration recognize that should Israel attack unilaterally, American involvement in the war would be practically inevitable—and politically toxic. Iran would likely target American bases throughout the region, forcing Washington into a conflict that could easily escalate beyond the Middle East. Such a war could require mobilizing hundreds of thousands of troops and cost trillions of dollars, making the Iraq War look modest by comparison.

This American reluctance severely constrains Israel’s options. Without guaranteed American military support, Israel cannot sustain a prolonged conflict with Iran. Netanyahu knows that Washington’s reluctance to provide such guarantees effectively makes his military threats hollow.

Perhaps most critically, the prime minister understands that an Israeli attack on Iran would not remain a bilateral conflict. The entire Middle East would likely explode into warfare, with devastating consequences for global energy markets, international trade, and regional stability.

Saudi Arabia, despite its warming relations with Israel, would face immense domestic pressure to support Iran against Israeli aggression. Turkey, already strained in its relationship with Israel, could find itself drawn into the conflict. Egypt would struggle to maintain its peace treaty with Israel while managing domestic outrage over Israeli military action.

The economic implications alone would be catastrophic. Oil prices could easily triple overnight, triggering a global recession that would surpass the 2008 financial crisis in severity. The Strait of Hormuz, through which 20 percent of global oil passes, would become a war zone. International shipping through the Red Sea, already disrupted by Houthi attacks, would cease entirely.

Netanyahu’s proper strategy becomes clear when viewed through this lens of impossibility. His escalatory rhetoric serves multiple purposes: maintaining pressure on Iran, signaling strength to domestic audiences, and most importantly, compelling American diplomatic engagement with Tehran.

By credibly threatening military action—even knowing such action would be disastrous—Netanyahu hopes to force Washington’s hand in securing a diplomatic resolution that constrains Iran’s nuclear program. It’s a high-stakes gamble where the Israeli prime minister bets that American fear of regional war will drive more aggressive diplomacy.

The irony is profound: Netanyahu’s warmongering is designed to prevent war. His “big lie” is not that Iran poses an existential threat—it does—but that Israel is prepared to act unilaterally against that threat. The prime minister desperately needs others to solve the Iranian problem for him, because he knows that Israel cannot solve it alone without risking national suicide.

This elaborate bluff may be brilliant politics, but it’s also a dangerous game of poker with the entire Middle East. Every fiery speech, every leaked military plan, every calculated escalation brings the region closer to the abyss he claims to want to avoid.

Netanyahu has painted himself into a corner, and backing down would look weak, while moving forward could lead to a national catastrophe. His only escape route runs through Washington—a comprehensive US-Iran agreement that gives him the face-saving victory he desperately needs without the war he cannot afford.

Should Israel launch an attack and suffer heavy casualties, Netanyahu will bear full responsibility for the catastrophe. Having already deflected blame for October 7 onto military and security services, he cannot claim ignorance about the devastating consequences of striking Iran. The warnings are clear, the risks are known, and the decision—should he make it—will be his alone.

The clock isn’t just ticking on Iran’s nuclear program. It’s counting down to the moment when this elaborate bluff gets called, and America must decide whether to rescue him with the diplomatic deal he’s been angling for all along. Because the man who cried wolf was never hunting wolves—he was herding them toward someone else’s door.

About the Author
Yehuda Lukacs, born in Budapest, received his Ph.D. in International Relations from American University's School of International Service. He is Associate Professor Emeritus of Global Affairs at George Mason University. His books include Op-Ed: Musings on War & Peace in the Middle East and Beyond; Israel, Jordan and the Peace Process; The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A Documentary Record; Documents on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict; The Arab-Israeli Conflict: Two Decades of Change. He is the Executive Producer of the documentary film Migration Studies. filmed in Hungary and Serbia in 2017.
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