Interview of Ferhat Mehenni – President of Kabylie

President of the Kabyle Government in exile. Interview with Abylia Times on April 14th, 2025. (Credit : Youtube / Abylia Times; used with accordance under Clause 27a)

The Kabyle people are pursuing their struggle for independence from Algerian rule, and they are increasingly turning toward Israel, particularly since October 7. Ferhat Mehenni’s words resonate especially strongly in the days following April 20—the anniversary of the Berber and Kabyle Spring.

Laurent Cudkowicz: Mr. President, thank you for this interview. How would you define Kabyle identity in relation to Berber (Amazigh) identity?

Ferhat Mehenni: Amazigh identity is the ancestral identity of the indigenous peoples of North Africa. Like Slavic, Semitic, or Latin identity, it is a civilizational concept. Kabyle identity is one of its components, which has developed its own linguistic, cultural, historical, and national specificities.

Kabylie has had its own societal organization for more than two thousand years. Its values—solidarity, secularism, democracy, and modernity—have shaped a strong regional personality and a national consciousness that distinguish it from other Amazigh peoples. Kabyles are not only a people; they are a nation.

All Kabyles are Amazigh, but not all Amazigh are Kabyle—just as all Israelis are Semitic, but not all Semites are Israeli.

Kabylie is a nation with a defined territory, stretching from the outskirts of Algiers in the west to Skikda in the east, with 250 km of Mediterranean coastline and extending 200 km inland. Around 8 million Kabyles live in Kabylie itself, 2 million reside in Algiers, and 2 million in France.

Call for a rally against antisemitism in Paris January 26th, 2025 organized by the Kabyle Human Rights League.

LC: What are the major historical milestones for Kabylie?

FM: Kabylie is mentioned in antiquity by Ptolemy and Pliny the Elder. In the 3rd century, the Romans called us the Quinquegentiani—the confederation of five tribes. We resisted the invasion of the Banu Hilal. None of the Muslim caliphates succeeded in integrating us into their social system, not even the Fatimids, whom we helped to establish but who then turned against us.

In the Middle Ages, the city of Bougie (Vgayet in Kabyle, Béjaïa in Arabic) was a beacon of Mediterranean civilization. It is where Fibonacci learned mathematics. When the Turks took Algiers in 1515, Kabylie was governed by the Kingdom of Koukou, which opposed the Regency of Algiers. In 1775, the Kingdom of Bougie emerged and lasted until its defeat by the French in 1871.

Kabylie was only annexed to French Algeria after long resistance, culminating in the Mokrani revolt, in which 250,000 Kabyle fighters took part. Before that, a young woman named Fadma N’Soumer led resistance against Generals Wolff and Randon.

Realizing that sovereignty could not be regained on its own, Kabyles contributed to the founding of the North African Star in 1926, hoping for unity with Tunisians and Moroccans. In 1954, we took part in the Algerian War of Independence—a decision we came to regret. In 1963, after the French departure, Kabylie rose up again against Ben Bella’s regime but was defeated in 1965. Kabylie then fell under post-colonial Algerian domination.

Since then, revolts have followed one another: the Berber Spring (1980–1981), the creation of the Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights (1985), the school boycott (1994–1995), the uprising after the assassination of Matoub Lounès (1998), and the Black Spring (2001–2003), which resulted in 150 deaths and thousands wounded.

The founding of the MAK (Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylie) in 2001, renamed the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylie (2013), was a turning point. This movement created the Provisional Government in Exile to organize a self-determination referendum. The MAK has led Kabylie in boycotting all Algerian elections and institutions, such as the 2019 presidential election, the 2020 constitutional referendum, and the 2021 legislative elections.

On April 20, 2024, Kabylie proclaimed the rebirth of its state in front of the UN headquarters in New York. We are preparing for a unilateral declaration of independence, under specific conditions.

Since 2021, repression has become brutal, but it is the price of freedom. Kabylie is now calling on the international community to recognize the Anavad (our provisional government) and support our right to self-determination.

Interview of President Mehenni at Sud Radio on January 25th, 2025 (credit Youtube).

LC: Is the struggle for self-determination harder because Algeria is not a democracy?

FM: Certainly. Political struggle is always more difficult in a dictatorship than in a democracy. Algeria is a military dictatorship that allows no opposition—neither political nor identity-based. The right to self-determination is enshrined in Algeria’s Constitution—but only for causes like Palestine or the Polisario. When Kabylie invokes that same right, it becomes a crime.

In a democracy, we would have been able to hold a referendum, as Quebec and Scotland did. In Algeria, the blood of Kabyles is shed even during peaceful demonstrations. This situation makes our struggle harder but also all the more legitimate in the eyes of international law.

At the rally against antisemitism organized by the Kabyle Human Rights League, in Paris on January 26th, 2025

LC: How strong is the Muslim identity among Kabyles who support independence?

FM: Kabylie has never experienced any internal religious conflict. All religions are respected. The most sacred oath in Kabyle is: “In the name of all religions.” Insulting a religion, any religion, is punishable by a fine. Faith is a personal matter. Everyone is free to believe or not believe, while respecting the beliefs of others.

Kabyle Islam is syncretic—it has adapted to ancient traditions. It values tolerance. Not fasting during Ramadan, not praying, or drinking alcohol is tolerated. We are immune to the politicization of religion. Our independence movement is secular and based on freedom of conscience, which contrasts with Algeria’s use of religion for political ends.

LC: Was your 2012 visit to Israel fruitful?

FM: Yes. From May 22 to 27, 2012, we visited Israel and were received by the Knesset and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was an opportunity to raise awareness of the Kabyle cause and to break a political taboo. Algerian attempts to discredit us failed. Kabyles understood and approved.

This visit was founded on mutual respect and recognition. Israel has rebuilt itself, defended its identity and sovereignty, and has become a leader in science and technology. We draw lessons from that and find common values.

I also want to mention the hundreds of thousands of Kabyles who fled French repression between 1871 and 1916. Algeria refuses to recognize them, grant them citizenship, or allow them to return. Independent Kabylie will welcome them with open arms.

LC: Has your support for Israel, especially since October 7, 2023, cost you some allies?

At the rally against antisemitism organized by the Kabyle Human Rights League, in Paris on January 26th, 2025

FM: We are not concerned with the reactions of our adversaries. We act in accordance with our conscience and our rejection of terrorism. Since we have chosen nonviolence, even in self-defense, we cannot condone terrorism for any reason.

We condemn all attacks on civilians, whether by Hamas or other Islamist groups. We also denounce antisemitism in Algeria, just as we reject anti-Kabyle hatred. We are regularly accused of being Jews or Zionists—especially on Algerian social media.

LC: Does opposition to the Algerian regime automatically mean being an “enemy” of the Arab world?

FM: Algeria is not Arab in origin; it has become Arab by ideology. Many Arab countries are now distancing themselves from it. Their interests no longer coincide.

The time of unanimous Arab hostility toward Israel is ending. The Abraham Accords marked a turning point. Algeria remains entrenched in the past and has aligned itself with Iran.

We have great respect for the Arab peoples, their language, and their nations. But we are disappointed by their silence regarding the repression of Kabyles in Algeria. We hope they will understand that Algeria, by imposing Arab identity and language on us while denying ours, is committing an injustice.

Let it be clear: our struggle is against the Algerian regime—not against Arabs.

LC: Who are your main international supporters?

FM: Our alliances are based on shared values: freedom, justice, dignity, and the rejection of terrorism. We are open to all partnerships rooted in solidarity.

Kabylie will gain independence. We now need powerful allies to support our recognition. We hope that the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, Arab countries, Israel, and Morocco will support the emergence of a peaceful and stable Kabylie.

LC: There are reports of growing cooperation between Algeria and Iran’s IRGC. Is Algeria becoming a new proxy for Iran in Africa?

FM: Military cooperation between Iran and Algeria dates back to Bouteflika’s second term (2004–2009). After failing to impose an Islamist republic through the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), Iran turned to the Algerian military junta and proposed nuclear collaboration.

Algeria needs Iranian centrifuges. Iran needs Algerian uranium from Ténéré and Tamanrasset. Both seek nuclear weapons, covertly and dangerously. At the same time, the Polisario serves as their regional proxy.

Algeria is losing influence in the Sahel. Iran wants to take its place, using Islamist groups and backed by Russia. These three regimes—Algeria, Iran, and Russia—collaborated for years to support Assad in Syria.

Now Algeria offers Tehran a base to threaten the Sahel, the Mediterranean, and Western Europe—circumventing sanctions and expanding their influence.

Kabylie rejects this path. Our people stand for secularism, democracy, and peace. This dangerous alliance reinforces our appeal for international recognition—including by Israel—so that Kabylie can become a stabilizing force in the region.

LC: Mr. President, thank you very much.

This interview was translated into English from its French original language  by Laurent Cudkowicz, and edited with the help of AI.