Gil Lewinsky

Iran War 2.5: The Shadow War between War and Peace

For all the criticism Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump receive these days regarding their handling of Iran, I wouldn’t want to be in their shoes.

Netanyahu finds himself navigating one of the most complex security crises Israel has faced in decades. One wrong move could lead to a massive volley of missiles or a detrimental United Nations Security Council meeting. He must walk a fine line with Washington, which, despite frequent disagreements with Israeli policy, remains Israel’s most important diplomatic and strategic ally. Politically, he has little choice but to govern alongside the far right and Haredi factions. Elections are around the corner, and he needs to show that he is improving Israel’s security outlook.

Then there is Donald Trump, who governs an increasingly inward-looking American public that simply does not care much about Iran. To many Americans, it is a distant country thousands of miles away, while inflation, migration, and economic concerns dominate daily life at home. Many question why America should continue involving itself in conflicts that seem to offer little direct benefit while driving up energy costs and creating new foreign entanglements. Some even blame Trump for joining Netanyahu in striking Iran in the first place. How could a president elected on promises of ending endless wars and putting “America First” become entangled in yet another Middle Eastern conflict? Trump is searching for a way out without appearing weak, while still delivering the foreign-policy success he promised his supporters.

The clash between these two realities became apparent when Trump reportedly intervened to prevent an Israeli strike on Beirut. Reports suggest that the conversation between the two leaders was far from cordial. In what appears to be an incredibly undiplomatic conversation, he called the Israeli leader “ungrateful”, f****** crazy”, the source of global hatred toward Israel, and predicted his incarceration if not for his efforts.

Yet Israel’s desire to strike Beirut did not emerge in a vacuum. Northern Israel continues to face persistent attacks from Hezbollah, with Israeli soldiers paying the price on a near-daily basis. Had American cities and American soldiers faced similar attacks, few would question Washington’s resolve to respond forcefully. Yet Israel does not enjoy the same strategic freedom that the United States often takes for granted.

Trump may be a reluctant warrior, but he remains more willing to use force than his recent predecessors. The war with Iran has demonstrated something that Iraq, Afghanistan, and even Vietnam never did: a country that is prepared to strike back at the US and assert clear red lines that it enforces with missiles. The war began due to Iran’s hesitancy to end its nuclear program and is based on a radical ideology and worldview that manifests danger whether Washington confronts it or not. History has repeatedly shown that geography alone does not shield the United States from hostile actors abroad. “America First”  was never intended to mean American retreat. For Trump, the challenge is determining how much force is necessary without becoming trapped in another open-ended conflict.

The confrontation that halted Israel’s planned strike on Beirut reflects a broader shift in the region. Instead of containing Iran’s ambitions, recent events appear to have accelerated them. Regional dynamics that once seemed unthinkable have become reality. Iran now seeks not merely to challenge American influence but to shape events across the Middle East in ways that directly affect both Washington and Israel.

The ceasefire may technically remain in place, but the reality is that the conflict has simply evolved. Whenever America tries to enforce its blockade, Iran now retaliates with missiles. A once all-out war has now been replaced with dribs and drabs. A strike on an Iranian command center here, a missile launch site there, a ship is stopped that attempted to break the blockade. In return, Iran is striking the UAE one day, Kuwait and Bahrain another day (In the former, damaging its international airport).

Israel’s campaign against Hezbollah has been more aggressive, with a ground invasion recreating the Security Zone which the country withdrew from in 2000. Beaufort Castle, the symbol of the previous Lebanon occupation, is now back under Israeli control. In place of a full civilian occupation, the IDF sends out evacuation notices and then resorts to a scorched earth campaign akin to what it did in Gaza: leveling of enemy villages, ending the likelihood of guerrilla warfare. This way there are no militants to oppose the IDF presence. Current deaths are largely due to fiber optic suicide drones launched from a distance. Since the battle of Bint Jbiel over a month ago, there is remarkably little hand-to-hand combat in South Lebanon

What is emerging is a new regional status quo: not peace, but a controlled state of hostility.

Paradoxically, this situation may suit all sides better than a full-scale regional war. For Washington, limited military operations are easier to justify to both Congress and the public than another massive deployment of American forces. Trump can continue applying pressure on Iran while avoiding the political costs of a prolonged conventional conflict. He buys time, keeps his options open, and preserves flexibility.

Israel may also find advantages in this environment. A conflict defined by limited retaliation rather than all-out war allows Jerusalem greater freedom of action while reducing the risk of exhausting critical military resources. Every strike carries consequences, but those consequences remain manageable compared to the dangers of a broader sustained regional confrontation.

We are entering a new phase: the shadow war. Trump wants to move on and focus on other pressing priorities, yet events continue pulling him back into the Middle East. Netanyahu needs a victory to project strength at home. Iran wants time to rebuild and strengthen its regional network of proxies. Hezbollah seeks to maintain its relevance while avoiding a confrontation that could threaten its survival.

Neither party at present is achieving its desired outcome. Whether that will change is an open question. As the history of the Middle East has shown, events rarely turn out the way people predict.

The sirens may not sound every night, but neither have they fallen completely silent. The walls of fear that once restrained decision-makers are beginning to crumble, and the region is becoming increasingly volatile.

Every day is an action thriller page being written in slow motion.  More fateful decisions await: what Netanyahu’s next moves will be may decide his re-election and Trump’s decisions will likely determine how he will be remembered by history.

About the Author
Born in Israel but raised in Canada, Gil Lewinsky worked as a journalist in Jewish newspapers including the Jerusalem Post after completing a Masters degree at the Munk School of Global Affairs from the University of Toronto. He also has a LLM in International Law from Lancaster University in the UK. His past topics include a book written about the Status of Gaza under International Law soon after its conquest by Hamas in 2007. He is perhaps best known as one of two people that brought a flock of Jacob Sheep from Canada to Israel in 2016, making history. He currently works as a teacher and English public relations professional in Israel.
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