Israel Needs a Government. The Division Must End
The October 27 election in Israel did not produce a clear majority. The Likud-led bloc managed to come out on top with 53 seats, eight seats short of the 61 needed to form a government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The Yashar-led opposition bloc, consisting of a conglomerate of center-right and center-left parties, also performed well, securing 48 seats. Yet this result makes it equally difficult for Gadi Eisenkot to form a government that he would lead as Prime Minister of Israel.
The Arab parties, Ra’am and the Joint List, recorded a remarkable result, securing a projected 19 seats and making them a deciding factor in the formation of the next government. Whether President Isaac Herzog will nominate Netanyahu or Eisenkot to form a government, or whether Israel will head toward another election, remains to be seen.
What is clear is that while Israel waits for a new government, its enemies, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis and other hostile state and non-state actors, have every reason to welcome the possibility of a prolonged political crisis. The proposed judicial reform, followed by the war against Hamas in Gaza, has deeply divided the Israeli public. These divisions have taken an enormous toll on a country that continues to face serious threats to its national security.
It is also clear that a new governing coalition is necessary, regardless of who ends up becoming Prime Minister. Ideally, a broad national unity government bringing together the major center-right and center-left parties would offer a way out of the current political deadlock. Such a coalition would not necessarily have to be led by Netanyahu or Eisenkot. What matters is that Israel forms a government capable of addressing its security challenges while restoring political stability and public confidence in the country’s democratic institutions.
Netanyahu’s political survival should not become synonymous with Israel’s national survival. The Prime Minister has undoubtedly played a consequential role in Israeli politics, particularly in shaping the country’s security doctrine and foreign relations. Yet his continued leadership has also become a source of deep political division.
A new national unity government should also mark a departure from the far-right and fascistic politics associated with Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. Their exclusion from a future governing coalition would signal a break with the confrontational politics that have contributed to Israel’s internal divisions. Israel needs a government that represents the broader interests of its citizens rather than one dependent on the political demands of its most extreme factions.
Israel cannot afford to spend another election cycle consumed by political rivalries while its enemies continue to threaten its existence. The October 7 attacks exposed serious failures in the country’s security establishment, and the political controversies that preceded them demonstrated how internal divisions can undermine national cohesion.
The judicial reform controversy, in particular, turned disagreements over the balance of institutional power into a prolonged confrontation between the government and significant sections of Israeli society.
A new government must therefore do more than secure 61 seats in the Knesset. It must establish a credible political agenda that addresses the country’s security, economic and institutional challenges. This includes restoring confidence in the security establishment, pursuing a sustainable strategy for Gaza, maintaining strong relations with the United States and ensuring that disagreements over judicial reform do not once again paralyze the country.
The electoral performance of the Arab parties also presents an opportunity for serious political reflection. Their projected 19 seats cannot simply be dismissed because their participation complicates coalition negotiations. Arab citizens are part of Israel’s political community, and their representatives have a legitimate role in the country’s parliamentary system.
President Herzog now faces the difficult task of determining which political leader has the greatest prospect of forming a viable government. Regardless of whom he chooses, the responsibility ultimately rests with Israel’s elected representatives. They can either recognize the limitations of their electoral mandates and negotiate a workable arrangement or allow another round of political deadlock to push the country toward yet another election.
Israel’s enemies would welcome the latter outcome. Israelis should not. After years of political confrontation, judicial controversy and war, the country needs a government whose principal objective is governing, rather than perpetuating the political struggles of the past. Israel needs a new government. The era of destabilization must come to an end.
