It’s time for Israel to make peace with Syria

For decades, Israeli policymakers have claimed that the Palestinians “never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.” Now it is Israel that risks missing an opportunity.

Syria, under President Ahmad al-Sharaa, has begun signaling a desire to move beyond hostility. Damascus has staked out a tough line against Iran, cracked down on Palestinian Islamic Jihad, distanced itself from anti-Israel escalation, and avoided any serious participation in the war that engulfed the region after October 7th.

Ordinary Syrians, exhausted by years of war, are eager to rebuild. Many also quietly recognize that Israeli airstrikes on Iranian and Hezbollah positions inside Syria contributed to the military successes of opposition forces that toppled the Assad regime in December.

Yet, despite this opening, Israel remains locked in a Cold War-era posture that no longer serves its interests.

There have been serious peace efforts before. In 1949, following the Arab-Israeli War, Syria’s short-lived military leader Husni al-Za’im entered armistice talks with Israel before his abrupt ouster. In 2000, then-Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak and Syrian foreign minister Farouk al-Sharaa (a relative of Ahmad al-Sharaa) came close to a deal at Shepherdstown, West Virginia. Though the talks collapsed over final details, they showed that peace was within reach.

Other backchannel efforts showed faint signs of promise — until the efforts were derailed by the outbreak of the Syrian revolution in 2011. Now, with a postwar Syria emerging and regional realignments accelerating, another opportunity has emerged.

Despite the hopes of the Israeli leadership, President Donald Trump has made it clear that he is not aligned with Israel on every front. Washington is openly negotiating with Iran and Hamas, and recently entered into a ceasefire with the Houthis — on the same day the Yemeni group launched a missile strike at Israel’s airport.

During his visit to Saudi Arabia, President Trump announced that he would lift sanctions on Syria — despite objections from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and members of his own administration, who had previously spoken out against the move. Trump is also encouraging Damascus to join the Abraham Accords.

Instead of relying solely on an unpredictable White House, Israel should take the initiative and do its part to help shape a more stable regional order.

Israel is not starting from scratch. Its normalization of ties with the United Arab Emirates has already led to productive unofficial talks with Syria on intelligence sharing and counterterrorism.

The groundwork is there to expand this diplomatic architecture. And it can — and should — extend to Syria, particularly through the Arab states that have resumed engagement with Damascus. A regional alignment that includes moderate Sunni powers, pragmatic elements within the Syrian transitional government, and Israeli security interests is a realistic objective, if pursued wisely.

That means pivoting on Syria.

Since Assad’s fall, Israeli airstrikes on abandoned Syrian airfields and aging military installations have done little to improve long-term security. If anything, they fuel anti-Israel sentiment among Syrians who now pose no real threat.

Meanwhile, the IDF’s presence in southern Syria complicates diplomacy. As a goodwill gesture, Israel should pull its forces back to the 1974 UN Disengagement Line — an appeal already made by Sharaa in his meeting with Trump. If Israel wants a stable neighbor, it should engage — not isolate — a united Syria.

Real risks remain. Iran is working to reestablish its influence in Syria. Elements of the former regime continue to mount insurgent attacks. ISIS remains active, with thousands of fighters still in prison camps.

The United States is likely preparing to leave Syria. Three American bases have already shut down, and commercial interests now drive much of Washington’s Syria policy. When US troops finally depart, Iran, Turkey, and Russia will move quickly to fill the vacuum.

Indeed, there has been much fear about Turkey now being on Israel’s “doorstep.” However, Israeli-Turkish ties are on the mend, and Ankara maintains significant leverage with Syria’s new leadership. Israel and Turkey are already engaging on forming a “deconfliction mechanism” in Azerbaijan.

Rather than view Turkish influence on its northern border with alarm, Israel should welcome its mediation. An eventual trilateral understanding between Israel, Turkey, and Syria is not unthinkable.

For over 75 years, Israel and Syria have remained technically at war. Every attempt at peace — from the armistice talks of 1949, to the Madrid Conference, to the Shepherdstown summit in 2000, to Turkish-led backchannels — has failed for different reasons.

Today, a new generation of Syrian leadership offers Israel a rare opportunity to chart a new course. The regional landscape has shifted, and Syria is rapidly moving out of the cold and into the community of nations. If Israel continues to sit on the sidelines, it will miss out on a chance to take part in the future economy of Syria. Trade and cultural exchanges between Israel and Syria would also be an enormous stabilizing force as Syria rebuilds.

The Golan Heights will be one of the most difficult issues to resolve — but even this long-standing dispute is not beyond negotiation. Creative solutions — like demilitarized zones, joint economic ventures, or phased recognition — could offer a way forward without demanding immediate, all-or-nothing concessions.

The tone is already shifting. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar recently stated that Israel seeks “good relations” with Syria — a remarkable departure from the recent hostility. The road to peace will be difficult and incremental, but the region is unmistakably moving toward greater integration and cooperation. Progress will not come overnight, but dialogue and trust can be built, step by step.

This is the moment for Israel to move with the pace of modern diplomacy — and to turn an old enemy into a new partner.