Netanyahu Fears A Jewish-Arab Coalition
Public opinion polls in Israel indicate that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition is likely to fall short of winning a 61-seat majority in the 120-member Knesset, leaving him unable to form a government after the October 27 general election.
The center-right opposition, led by Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, appears to be in the same boat. They will probably not win the required number of seats to cobble together a government.
This political paralysis means that Jewish parties will need the support of Arab parties to establish the next government.
Alternatively, the opposition might win power by forging an alliance with Ra’am, an Arab party led by Mansour Abbas, who currently holds five seats in the Knesset.
Five years ago, Abbas made history when he became the first Arab to join an Israeli governing coalition. With Netanyahu unable to form a government after an inconclusive election, Abbas threw his support behind Bennett and Lapid, who formed a coalition that governed until December 2022. When their government collapsed, Netanyahu, Israel’s longest serving prime minister, reclaimed his old job.
Since then, with public opinion in Israel having lurched further to the right due to Hamas’ attack on October 7, 2023, Bennett and Lapid have said they would not form a government with non-Zionist Arab parties.
Eisenkot, however, has said he would consider partnering with an Arab party that recognizes Israel as a Jewish state and endorses the values of Israel’s Declaration of Independence.
The Likud has accused Arab parties of failing to label Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations, adding there is “no room in the Knesset” for such politicians.
Likud’s maneuver to ostracize Arab parties is undemocratic, but it serves two purposes, according to Arik Rudnitzky, a specialist in Jewish-Israeli Arab relations at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University.
Likud seeks to delegitimize Arab parties, particularly Ra’am, as potential partners in an Eisenkot government. Likud, too, hopes to discourage Arab citizens from voting. “The calculation is that if an Arab party is disqualified, some Arab voters may boycott the election,” says Rudnitzky.
A lower Arab turnout would improve Netanyahu’s chances of remaining in power, he noted. “The effort is not only about keeping Arab parties off the ballot. It is also part of a broader strategy to obstruct the formation of an alternative government.”
For all his bluster about Ra’am, Netanyahu tried to recruit Abbas as an ally prior to the last election. Abbas claims that Netanyahu invited him to his official residence and read him a speech that he, Abbas, would deliver after reaching a partnership with the Likud.
Netanyahu’s ally, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, reportedly torpedoed his supposed plan.
Abbas, though, has criticized the high Palestinian civilian death toll during the Israel-Hamas war in the Gaza Strip. And he has called for Palestinian statehood, a notion that the current Israeli government and much of the Israeli population reject.
He focuses on such issues as crime and personal security in Arab communities, housing, infrastructure, education, economic development, recognition and development of Bedouin communities, and government investment in Arab municipalities.
What he wants above all else is a better life for Israel’s two million Arab citizens, who comprise about 21 percent of Israel’s population and who complain they are second-class citizens.
He may be able to achieve these objectives if he joins the opposition after the general election. But if Netanyahu has any say in the matter, Abbas will remain an outsider in Israel’s political system.
