The Blogs: The Other Side of Lithuania’s Silence

I have filed approximately thirty legal actions against Lithuanian institutions since 2015. Every one has been refused. My family was murdered by Jonas Noreika and the Lithuanian state defends him. When I have asked the state to account for that defense, the state has answered with silence, procedural dismissal, and jurisdictional objection.

I am a wealth advisor. I do this work in my spare time.

I have spent hundreds of thousands of dollars of my own money on this project. I cannot bring back a single murdered relative or undo my grandparents’ suffering. The only thing I can do is show other Jews the methodology being used against us, and how Jewish institutions are being deceived. The Fridman prosecution has shown the world the strategy I have documented for over thirty years. The 157-point plan is its marketing layer. The lessons have fallen on deaf ears. That is my sadness.

Eugene J. Levin has written that Lithuania’s silence is itself the answer. In the Soviet system he grew up inside, the refusal to respond was the response. The question had touched something the state could not afford to acknowledge. The Silence Lithuania Chose should be read alongside what follows. Levin identifies the strategy. This article documents the other side of it.

Because Lithuania has two settings. Silence when exposed. Prosecution when disobeyed.

The Public Record Has Been Open for Years

Everything that follows is already public. The documentary record of Lithuania’s Holocaust methodology has long been available to Jewish organizations, Holocaust institutions, synagogues, and diplomats. My Substack, Times of Israel page, and the pages of Silvia Foti, Eugene Levin, and Michael Kretzmer are open. Storm in the Land of Rain, Baltic Truth, J’Accuse!, the IHRA condemnation, the 157-point plan, and the Fridman indictment are public. Due diligence on Lithuania requires a web browser.

The Cities They Would Not Answer

On May 19, 2020, the City of Beverly Hills adopted Resolution 20-R-13290 condemning Lithuanian Holocaust denial and specifically naming LGGRTC. On August 3, 2020, the City of West Hollywood adopted Resolution 20-5314. In August 2020, the City of Los Angeles adopted its own resolution. Three American cities. Three formal governmental acts. Three official determinations that Lithuania is engaged in Holocaust distortion.

Lithuania has never responded to any of them. Not once.

The Congressman They Would Not Answer

Congressman Brad Sherman has written to the Government of Lithuania in 2019, in 2021, and again in 2026. Three letters over seven years. The subject is a specific LGGRTC fabrication — the claim that the United States Congress “completely exonerated” the Holocaust perpetrator Juozas Ambrazevičius-Brazaitis. That exoneration never happened. Lithuania has not answered. Not in 2019, not in 2021, not in 2026.

Rabbi Ahud Sela, President of the Board of Rabbis of Southern California, wrote to the Lithuanian Consul General in Los Angeles. No response.

A sitting member of the United States Congress. A rabbi. Three American city councils. The answer in every case is the same. The answer is silence.

The Inspectorates That Inspect Nothing

I tested every Lithuanian oversight body available to me. The test yields the same outcome at every level.

The Journalists’ Ethics Inspector’s Service, Žurnalistų etikos inspektoriaus tarnyba. Three complaints 2018–2020. Full chain attached. First refused by letter SK-30/S-7/F of January 21, 2019. Second rebuffed. Third drew no corrective action. The offending LGGRTC publication remains live on the state website today, eight years on.

The Supreme Commission for Public Service Ethics, Vyriausioji tarnybinės etikos komisija. Complaint against LGGRTC Director General Teresė Birutė Burauskaitė, July 30, 2018. No breach found. A state director publishes Holocaust distortion in her official capacity, and the ethics body finds her conduct ethical.

LGGRTC itself. Her reply of February 20, 2020, reference 14R-14, conceded the contested statements as her “personal, subjective opinion” and refused retraction.

The Seimas Ombudsman, Seimo kontrolierius. Found merit. Ordered LGGRTC to answer. LGGRTC refused substance. The merit finding produced no remedial action.

The Office of the President. Referred the matter back to LGGRTC to police itself.

The National Heritage Department. Defended the Noreika plaque on the Wroblewski Library three times, then permitted the fascist successor organization Pro Patria to hang its own replacement plaque on the same protected heritage building without objection.

The Criminal Authorities. Declined investigation of Holocaust distortion by state institutions in every instance.

The Courts That Would Not Hear

Full court chain attached.

Vilnius Regional Administrative Court, Case No. eI-534-281/2019, March 27, 2019. Dismissed on the grounds that my communication was a “request for information.”

Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania, April 1, 2020. Dismissed on the grounds that LGGRTC’s historical publications fall outside administrative-law jurisdiction. A state institution with a parliamentary mandate to research Nazi and Soviet crimes is beyond administrative review when its output is Holocaust distortion. Unreviewable by design.

Vilnius Regional Court, June 8, 2020. Civil action refused as “useless.” The Lithuanian Constitution requires all damage to be rectified. The court said the Constitution did not reach me.

Five Lithuanian courts. The chain of non-jurisdiction is unbroken.

The IHRA in 2019 concluded that LGGRTC’s Noreika text meets the IHRA Working Definition of Holocaust Denial and Distortion. Noreika’s own granddaughter documented the perpetrator record in Storm in the Land of Rain. Kretzmer filmed it in J’Accuse!. No Lithuanian body has acted on any of it.

Non-response is the response. Levin is right. That is the first half of the strategy.

The Second Half

On May 9, 2024, a Lithuanian citizen named Artur Fridman posted on Facebook. He thanked his grandfather Aron Fridman, a Red Army volunteer. He described Lithuanian partisans as “miško banditai,” forest bandits. He called Adolfas Ramanauskas-Vanagas, canonized by Lithuania as a national hero, a “pseudoherojus” who collaborated with the KGB. He posted from his personal account. He named nothing the Lithuanian state has not published about itself.

On October 30, 2025, the Vilnius Regional Prosecutor’s Office, Vilnius District Prosecutor’s Office, First Division, in Lithuanian Vilniaus apygardos prokuratūros Vilniaus apylinkės prokuratūros 1-asis skyrius, filed a criminal indictment. Case No. 02-2-00512-24. Two hundred and twenty pages. Two statutes. Article 170-2(1) of the Lithuanian Criminal Code for public approval of Soviet crimes and gross minimization of crimes against Lithuania. Article 132(1) for false statements about the deceased. One citizen. One Facebook post. Eighteen months from post to indictment.

Now watch the symmetry break.

I filed complaints with an Inspectorate whose statutory mandate is to investigate false statements in Lithuanian media. The Inspectorate declined jurisdiction, declined inspection, declined finding. The same statutory architecture that declined to examine LGGRTC, Delfi.lt, and bernardinai.lt is the architecture under which Fridman is now prosecuted. The same Criminal Code that the prosecutor wielded against a single Facebook post could have been wielded against the Director General of LGGRTC. It was not. It never will be.

The state publishes what it prosecutes. The state refuses to police what it publishes. The state criminalizes what it could have published.

The 157-Point Rescue Document

Then comes the overlay. Pressure accumulates, the record becomes embarrassing, and Lithuania produces a rescue document. In January 2026, the Lithuanian government adopted a 157-point Action Plan to Combat Antisemitism, Xenophobia, and Hate. The plan assigns operational authority for Holocaust memory to LGGRTC. The plan was adopted by a government sitting in coalition with the Nemunas Dawn party, whose founder was convicted in December 2024 of incitement to hatred against Jews. The plan exists alongside the active Fridman prosecution. It does not withdraw the prosecution. It does not correct the LGGRTC Noreika text. It does not revoke a single state honor for a Holocaust perpetrator.

Eugene Levin has dismantled the plan in detail in Lithuania’s Antisemitism Resolution Is Orwellian Fraud. I will not repeat the analysis. I will note only that the plan is the marketing culmination of the strategy this article describes. The obfuscation is the product. The plan is the packaging.

Why Do You Keep Pressing?

A question for the Government of Lithuania.

Why do you keep sending rescuer presentations to American synagogues, scheduling Righteous Among the Nations ceremonies around your diplomatic visits, and offering “constructive dialogue” on Holocaust memory to Jewish institutions? We know what you are. The record, the Fridman indictment, and the Noreika memorandum are on file. The 924 rescuers do not outweigh the 30,000 perpetrators. So why do you keep pressing?

Why don’t you just go away and leave us alone?

We know what you remain.

A Few Brief Questions for Our Own

I have written my own appeal to Jewish leadership in To Jewish Leaders: Read Before You Go. I will ask one thing. Our Jewish organizations present themselves as guardians of memory. When that image does not match the record, donors and constituents are being misled. At a moment when world Jewry faces the most intense pressure since 1945, our communication cannot be imprecise. Institutions may practice realpolitik if they judge it necessary. But the communication around that choice must be truthful. Otherwise it is reputational laundering performed on credit borrowed from Jewish moral authority. That credit is not infinite.

The Record Is the Argument

I did not file thirty actions because I expected Lithuanian institutions to act honestly. I filed them because the record had to exist. I wanted to prove the Lithuanian methodology, as I have lived it, to Jews. Not to Lithuania. The methodology could not be argued. It had to be exhibited.

The attached files are the exhibit.
Part I — the Inspectorate complaints and the LGGRTC publication they refused to police. Part II — the ethics complaint against Burauskaitė.
Part III — LGGRTC’s refusal to correct the record.
Part IV — the court chain.
Part V — the unanswered American city resolutions.
Part VI — the 220-page Fridman indictment.

Nothing in the files is my opinion. Every document is the Lithuanian state’s own output. The state is the witness against itself.

This is the strategy. Naked. On paper. In their own files.

It is reprehensible to deny or minimize Soviet crimes, Nazi crimes, or Lithuanian crimes. I reject all three. I also reject a state apparatus that prosecutes one Facebook post while silencing thirty filings, three American city councils, a United States Congressman, a rabbi, and the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The Fridman indictment makes the asymmetry operational. The reader now knows the strategy. The strategy was built to work because no one was supposed to read the files.

Read the files.

A Final Word to Lithuania

I do not wish Lithuania ill. I tried sincerely to engage, to learn, to reconcile. I was met with hostility, lies, antisemitism, fraud, and betrayal. As a result, I no longer care what happens to Lithuania. Your future is not in my domain of interest. I want Jews not to be deceived. That is all.

Lithuanians have said that I do this because I hate them. That is untrue. I do this because I love Jews, and I love Israel. I will not give Lithuania the energy of hate. I do not hate Lithuanians and I do not wish them ill. I want them to go away, and I never want to hear about them again. But as long as Lithuanian institutions keep knocking on Jewish doors and lying to Jews, I will not go away. My mission is to protect Jews from those lies.

I would welcome a strategic alignment between Lithuania and Israel on terms that benefit Israel. That alignment is possible. But the constant Lithuanian courtship of Jewish institutions must not result in the adoption of false Lithuanian history by Jews. It must not become the price of the alignment. The price of the alignment is truth.

Why do you keep knocking on our doors? You know how thoroughly your state celebrates our murderers. You know which streets you have named, which plaques you defend, which memoranda LGGRTC publishes, and which indictment sits on a Vilnius docket. You wrote the record yourselves. For those of us who have read it, your outstretched hand is transparently transactional. For Jews who attend in good faith, the betrayal comes later, when they read what you wrote. That is how you purchase diplomatic atmosphere at the expense of Jewish trust. Only truth can set Lithuania free. The court dismissals, inspectorate refusals, years of silence to a United States Congressman, and the 220-page indictment of a Jew for a Facebook post at his grandfather’s grave are acts of commission. Jewish institutional engagement with Lithuania is, at present, an act of omission. The choice is on file.