The love and admiration of the Iranian people for the monarchy and the late Shah are elements deeply embedded in the culture and history of this country with an ancient civilization, indelible and enduring.
The renowned Great kings of Iran, Cyrus, Darius, Nader, and the Pahlavi Kings, earned great respect for lending credibility to the name of Iran. In recent years, the slogans of Iranian youth have echoed the memory and names of the Pahlavi Kings, and the prince in exile has called out to Iran. This is because, in the Pahlavi name and visage, they seek the national identity and pride of Iran, plundered since 1979. They send their salutations to the name of Pahlavi.
In these past years, the Iranian people have risen up multiple times on their own, against religious despotism, against the brutality of the mullahs, against a 45-year dictatorship of criminal clerics whose language is terrorism. For 45 years, their mission has been the plunder and destruction of Iran. It might be said that this 45-year period represents the darkest era in Iranian history, during which no crime against humanity was avoided.
In the civilized West, the meaning of a Shah and monarchy is understood—whether in Europe, in countries like the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Belgium, Denmark, England, or in East Asia, in Japan, Thailand, and Cambodia. In the Persian Gulf region, Kuwait, Bahrain, Jordan, Oman, and Saudi Arabia are well-acquainted with this concept. However, this may seem strange in the political culture of America, likely more influenced by leftist culture.
But if we are honest with ourselves, from the day Iran surrendered its 2500-year history of monarchy to rebellion, anarchy, and the chaos of Islamic -Marxist terrorists in 1979, neither Iran nor the region has seen peace or tranquility.
Nowadays, in the political atmosphere both inside and outside of Iran, everyone knows that the unstable condition of this corrupt and bloody regime is not sustainable and will soon collapse, as the intervals between uprisings and movements within Iran become shorter and shorter. Each time, the government resorts more to executions, torture, terrorism, and suppression, and shamelessly displays its brutality. Each time America has shown a friendly face to the Iranian regime, the mullahs have become bolder in exploiting terrorism in the international community.
Yet, in the regime’s propaganda machine, after 45 years, films and series and speeches against the KING OF PAHLAVI are still broadcast. The same story remains in the so-called fake opposition outside of Iran. None of them want to move beyond Khomeinism and the savagery of 1979. Abroad, the reformist lobby is active. On one hand, a corrupt TV employee, who was an employee of the censorship office in Iran and who stole the paper quota for books and publications with two ministers of culture and Islamic guidance and also applied severe censorship against writers and intellectuals, has created a television to serve as a tribune for 1979 so that terrorists, separatists, and enemies of Iran can shout from there and prevent the dominant thought in Iran from changing to regime change. A dirty gang has gathered a group of thugs under the guise of journalists. They advertise that money comes from Saudi Arabia, but the Larijani gang and reformists are busy with this dirty deal.
On the other hand, someone desires leadership, climbed up the ladder in Iran using sex, and followed the same path abroad, having sex so that the pro-regime reformist’s gang would support her. Or laughably, an old terrorist, whose hands are stained with the blood of Iranian youth and who absolutely does not accept the territorial integrity of Iran, is called political and is seated at a table in Canada to make decisions for Iran.
These 2-3 examples show the toxic atmosphere in the Iranian fake opposition. There’s also someone who only takes money from Saudi Arabia and America but does not spend a dollar on developing democracy in Iran!
Certainly, the intelligence and political institutions of America and the West are disgusted by the name of the Iranian opposition, but they all agree on one thing: the only person who can be hoped for as an alternative is a 64-year-old crown prince. Iran does not produce a prince every day; his name holds credibility. Among the people of Iran, Reza Pahlavi has influence, respect, and supporters. The rest are paper tigers, eager for attention from the audience but having no impact on society, especially not recognized by the young generation of Iranians.
This fake opposition, in enmity with Pahlavi, cooperates with the Islamic Republic and moves in parallel with the propaganda machine of the mullahs’ regime. After 45 years, their enemy is still the name Pahlavi, and everything from terrorists and communists to Pro regime reformists, leftists, and separatists fights against it under the flag of Islamic resistance – excuse me, the fake opposition. But it is futile.
The name of Pahlavi continues to shine, but nothing serious can be done with these proud, self-satisfied, corrupt, and delusional creatures. The prince, with the humility that is the trait of kingship, continues to speak about Iran in the global media and is the most famous face of Iran, with no similar figure likely to emerge in the Iranian political arena for many years. The brand of Pahlavi has become a brand for 100 years and cannot be erased.
However, it’s a bitter time for Iranians. But soon, the fire of protests will flare up, and suppressions will be futile. Wherever they try to extinguish it, the fire will burst out elsewhere, and the mullahs’ regime knows it has no legitimacy or credibility. Monarchy is the key to Iran’s unity, and with monarchy, national identity and pride can be revived, separating Iran’s name from terrorism, which is the calamity and misfortune brought upon Iran by the mullahs and their terrorist network, and this specter will not be easy to get rid of.
Fortunately, the surge of Iranian Nationalism among the youth stands as a potent force, enabling the fight against the superstitions and delusions propagated by the ruling corrupted Ayatollahs, who show no concern for Iran’s name or its people’s welfare and interests. The participants in the 1979 turmoil were the harbingers of malevolence, unleashing a behemoth that has bathed Iran in blood, transforming the entire nation into a prison for its 88 million inhabitants. This regime, having ascended to power through terrorism, continues to cling to it for sustenance. Inevitably, its downfall is likely to provoke a bloodbath, an unavoidable reality. Post-regime change, it’s plausible that underground terrorist networks could proliferate for years. The global terrorist appendages of the Islamic Republic will then face the loss of their financial lifelines. For a moment, one must envision the future of the Middle East devoid of mullahs. The Iranian populace is resolute in traversing this daunting tunnel of terror, with challenging times and a treacherous path awaiting them.
In essence, forty-five years of defamation, falsehoods, and mudslinging against the Pahlavis persist. The attention of the populace and the younger generation towards a revival of Pahlavism keeps not only Khomeini’s adherents, the participants of the 1979 revolt, but also regional terrorists awake at night, worrying them immensely as they continue their opposition to the monarchy. Where else in the world can one find such a naive manifest example of backwardness and a lack of rational and political philosophy?
Yet, society cannot be coerced into accepting a fabricated and baseless structure through mere media and propaganda efforts. Iranian culture and civilization are inherently rooted in the principles of kingship and monarchy. True wisdom does not entail a battle against history. The Iranian community observes the calamitous results of the clerics’ reign of terror, comparing and evaluating it against the time of the late Shah. Interestingly, the majority of those who oppose the Pahlavi regime and favor the republic find sanctuary in countries with monarchies.
They ignore the poverty, corruption, dictatorship, oppression, and unrest that are the legacies of 1979, focusing their battle solely on the specter of the Shah. They continue to metaphorically dig up graves in an attempt to cast themselves as heroes, yet this younger generation is not easily misled.