The Reflex of Weaponizing Antisemitism

Our government constantly flirts with antisemites from the global far-right and provides them with a platform for their views in exchange for support of the government’s annexation and occupation visions.

Those same ministers, led by Prime Minister Netanyahu, excel at accusing as antisemites anyone who dares to criticize Israel’s policies. Anyone who criticizes the extensive killing of civilians in Gaza or the emptying of Jabalia of its population is immediately labeled an antisemite.

There are indeed many antisemites in the world, and nobody should belittle the threat and sense of justified fear of many Jews around the world. However, when accusations of antisemitism are used to prevent genuine discourse about the reasons for legitimate criticism of Israel’s policies, it weakens the true meaning of antisemitism and hinders dealing with it. The excessive use of the term “antisemitism” blurs the line between legitimate criticism of Israeli policy and genuine racist hatred towards Jews.

In an act of anger, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar left Israel’s interests without representation in Ireland because he wanted to “put Ireland in the corner of antisemitism.” Pope Francis, who is known for his love of the Jewish people, found himself at the center of an antisemitism accusation because in a showpiece he watched in the Vatican, a statue of the baby Jesus was placed on a keffiyeh.

Netanyahu, who believes like Louis XIV that “the state is me,” also accused the International Criminal Court in The Hague of antisemitism due to the personal arrest warrant issued against him, and there are even those who attributed antisemitism to Israel’s friend, French President Emmanuel Macron.

Sweden was declared antisemitic when it recognized a Palestinian state, and then overnight it became a paragon of virtue when it stopped funding UNRWA. Norway, Spain, and Slovenia have become antisemitic because they did what the State of Israel should have done a long time ago: recognize a Palestinian state to prevent our descent into a bloody bi-national reality.

In the face of any criticism, the card of antisemitism will always be played, because when there are no answers, resorting to slogans is the best way out. The accusation of antisemitism is like a band-aid on a bloody wound, trying to cover it up but failing because the bleeding is too strong.

Over the past year, as Israel’s citizens continue to grapple with the trauma of October 7th, grieving the deaths of the murdered and awaiting the release of the hostages, the world has been bombarded with real images of Palestinian suffering. The bodies of children, the women crushed in line for food, the denial of water and food, and the expulsion of residents from the northern Gaza Strip are images that are met with indifference in Israel but evoke reactions around the world. Not because of antisemitism, but because of humanity and compassion.

Most of the Israeli media plays a central role in “protecting” the Israeli public from the horrors in Gaza and in joining the false and dangerous narrative that the whole world is against us regardless of our actions. In doing so, major media outlets are collaborating with the same government that is trying to eliminate free press in the country.

For many around the world, the horrific images emanating from Gaza leave no room for complex interpretation; they depict human suffering. Outside the bubble of Israeli media, it’s hard to escape these images. They, and not antisemitism, drive the international outrage. It is a natural human response to the horrendous footage, not hatred of Jews.

There is no contradiction between empathizing with the Israeli pain over the barbaric massacre of October 7 and the fate of the hostages and empathizing with the suffering of the civilian population in Gaza. I am in contact with most of the European ambassadors in Israel, and they have all acted for the release of the hostages and deeply feel for our suffering and trauma.

None of these countries has questioned our right to defend ourselves against Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. But they expect us to do so as liberal democracies are supposed to defend themselves, a reasonable demand in light of the values that underpin our relations with them.

Israel, which was once seen as a beacon of democracy in the Middle East, a “villa in the jungle,” has in the eyes of many around the world become the “queen of the jungle.” This did not happen because of antisemitism, but because its policies are perceived as contradicting universal values of human rights and justice. It also contradicts the Jewish values of “Tikkun Olam.”

Instead of using accusations of antisemitism to evade criticism, Israel should confront the hard questions and provide genuine answers. It needs to understand that the response to criticism should be to stop the war, bring about the release of the hostages, and rehabilitate the Gaza Strip under the leadership of a new Palestinian government with international assistance. Resorting to cries of antisemitism convinces no one.

Too many of us are struggling to understand just how much our country has changed under our right-wing governments. This change also affects the military, of which we all feel a part, and we struggle to come to terms with the fact that not all of our soldiers identify with the “IDF spirit.” Even moral soldiers will act in an immoral way when the government defines problematic objectives, no matter how hard it is to admit this because these are our children.

Instead of continuing the blame game that only deepens Israel’s isolation in the world, we must start confronting reality as it is, the one that the whole world sees except for us. It is crucial to cease the slogan-based discourse and engage in fact-based dialogue with our critical friends around the world.

Blaming others contradicts the Zionist ethos of taking responsibility. Perhaps it alleviates the pangs of conscience, but it prevents improvement in the reality on the ground and certainly in international public opinion.