Who can we trust?

The relationship between Israeli citizens and the IDF is complicated. Disappointment and shaky trust at all levels sit alongside inspiring bravery and an unparalleled sense of belonging

The New York Times recently released a “bombshell” (pun intended) report, in which it alleged that the military leadership in Israel wants a truce in Gaza. Everyone from Netanyahu to IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi responded to the allegations in some form. This comes on the heels of a similar claim in Israeli media that IDF officials were tacitly encouraging the government to “move on to the next stage,” in essence ending the war in return for a deal to return the hostages. 

There are many ostensibly valid reasons for such a policy, ranging from the ability to restart the war later as needed, the immense toll of the war on Israel, the acute threat of Hezbollah in the north, the list goes on. Whether I agree with these reasons or not is irrelevant. Rather, these developments lay bare a deep tension between the political echelon, which determines policy, and the security services, which are supposed to implement that policy. Yet despite Netanyahu’s clear statements against ending the war “prematurely,” his subordinates are advocating exactly that. 

Lest you believe I am a fan of Netanyahu (I assure you, I am not), let me give another, more extreme example, where the set of actors has changed but the fundamental dynamic has not. A few months ago the Israeli news channel Kan came out with a program on the war and the events leading up to it in which they describe a possible strike against Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar during prime minister Naftali Bennett’s tenure. In the associated security discussions, former IDF Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi said to Bennett: 

“We currently have more significant challenges in the North and vis-a-vis Iran. If you want me to draw up a plan to eliminate Sinwar, you need to convince me that it is worth the ensuing war, because I will need to explain this afterwards to the soldiers and bereaved parents.”

Mr. Kochavi has a lot of explaining to do to the 682 bereaved families of soldiers who were killed in the war that came in part as a result of his indecision, not to mention the 1,145 civilians killed on October 7th. Kochavi does not need to be convinced of anything. What he needed, and what the security forces need, to do – is to carry out the directives they were given. There are limits to this – some “orders” are unlawful and it is possible that the military believed, and believes that in this case the politicians are so misguided that there must be pushback whatever the cost. However, in these particular instances, the cost, the appearance of the IDF politicking, outweighed the potential gains as it undermines an already frayed public trust in the military. 

The IDF has historically enjoyed high levels of public trust, the highest of any of Israel’s institutions. However, this solid foundation has been shaken at every level – from the intelligence and planning failures leading up to and in the wake of October 7th, to the abysmal lacunae in procurement processes and budgetary decisions, to seemingly arbitrary tactical decisions in the field – some of which I witnessed firsthand. Even the IDF’s notable successes in Gaza, notably the recent killing of Mohamed Deif, are offset by the apparent lack of strategic solutions, or initiative against the challenge of drones and Hezbollah in the North. Where Israelis are supposed to rely on the IDF for protection, it often feels like Iran’s “ring of fire” is closing in.

For me, the fact that the political echelon, the government, can’t be trusted, is clear. This has unfortunately been a reality for me for years, ever since Netanyahu walked back his (successful) economic reforms due to political pressure from his “natural partners”, and certainly since he bolstered incompetent, inciteful, provocative extremists simply to survive politically. The equation of country over parochial interests has been repeatedly and irredeemably breached. 

However, what really drives home my pessimism is the shattering of that veneer of trust, of near infallibility that the IDF and the security services usually commanded (again pun intended). Of course no one is perfect, yet the extent of the flaws given such high stakes is truly depressing. In every context, from failing to prevent (or at least mitigate) the worst massacre of Jews in decades to failing to efficiently procure life-saving equipment and engaging too much in petty politics and leaks that are best left to the politicians, the IDF has work to do in repairing public trust. This sentiment is reflected in a recent public poll, which found that, for the first time since the war began, a majority of Israelis don’t trust the IDF’s senior leadership (to be fair, around three quarters don’t trust the government).

Some caveats are in order. Where the IDF as a system failed, individual soldiers, units, and civilians stepped up. Their heroism on October 7th and beyond is truly remarkable. Also, the IDF has shown a willingness to self-investigate and accept responsibility for its failures leading up to and on October 7th, in stark contrast with the political leadership.

However, given the immense sacrifice that Israelis have endured, we deserve better leadership at every level. Every IDF officer, from the brigade commander to the chief of staff, has issues within their areas of responsibility which can, and must, be addressed. Yes this task is often hampered by a conniving and incompetent political echelon. However, nine months and thousands of dead later, that cannot be an acceptable excuse. The alternative is to be left with a reality in wich the politicians can’t be trusted, nor can the generals, nor the field commanders. And the fact that the IDF has historically been nicknamed “the people’s army” ultimately begs the question –  who can we trust?