Anne Dreazen
Advancing policy, partnerships and prosperity in a changing Middle East

Why Trump’s Summit with Xi Matters for the Middle East

President Trump’s summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping will understandably be framed through the lens of tariffs, trade, and great-power competition. But from a Middle East perspective, the meeting may prove consequential in quieter ways.

Few regional observers expect dramatic Middle East deliverables to emerge. There is unlikely to be a sweeping agreement on Iran, or a breakthrough on sanctions enforcement. The meeting is more likely to focus on stabilizing the broader U.S.-China relationship and demonstrating that both sides can still engage at the highest levels despite a growing strategic rivalry.

That alone matters. The summit comes at a moment when Trump appears eager for a visible diplomatic success. After months of heightened global tensions and economic uncertainty, meeting with Xi offers an opportunity to project statesmanship, reduce market anxiety, and potentially show progress on contentious bilateral issues. Symbolism also matters here: a U.S. president has not traveled to China in more than nine years, and the visit signals that both Washington and Beijing still see value in direct leader-level diplomacy.

Yet even if the Middle East is not front-and-center publicly, Iran will almost certainly sit quietly beneath many of the conversations.

China remains Iran’s most important economic lifeline. Beijing continues purchasing large quantities of Iranian oil, helping blunt the impact of Western sanctions and providing Tehran with critical revenue at a time of sustained economic pressure. Any serious American pressure strategy toward Iran inevitably runs through China.

At the same time, Beijing’s interests are not fully aligned with Tehran’s.

China benefits from access to discounted Iranian oil and from maintaining leverage against the United States. China also arguably benefits from having the United States embroiled in a Middle East war that diverts U.S. military resources from the Asia-Pacific.  But China also prioritizes regional stability, uninterrupted energy flows, and the security of maritime trade routes through the Gulf. Beijing does not benefit from a major regional war, prolonged disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, or spiraling escalation that threatens global markets.

This creates an important dynamic heading into the summit: while Washington and Beijing may compete intensely across multiple domains, both still share an interest in avoiding uncontrolled conflict in the Middle East.  At the same time, Xi will be loathe to give Trump a clear win on anything Iran-related.

For Gulf states, the summit will be watched closely for another reason. Countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE increasingly maintain deep economic relationships with China while continuing to rely heavily on the U.S. for security cooperation. Regional leaders will try to assess whether U.S.-China competition will remain manageable, or if they will eventually face sharper pressure to choose sides.

That question has major implications not only for energy markets, but also for emerging regional connectivity and modernization projects, from infrastructure and logistics to AI and advanced technology investment.

Israel, too, faces a more complicated strategic environment. For years, Middle East diplomacy, China policy, and Iran strategy could often be discussed separately. That is becoming increasingly difficult. China’s economic relationship with Iran directly affects sanctions leverage and Tehran’s resilience, while U.S. concerns about Chinese investment and technology access increasingly shape Israeli strategic calculations as well.

The likely outcome of the summit, therefore, is not a dramatic Middle East breakthrough, but something subtler: an effort to place guardrails around broader U.S.-China competition while preserving limited areas of overlap where both sides still benefit from stability.

That may sound modest, but in today’s geopolitical environment, modest stability can itself be strategically significant.

The Middle East is no longer peripheral to U.S.-China relations. Energy security, maritime trade, sanctions enforcement, technology competition, and regional integration increasingly tie the future of the Middle East to the trajectory of great-power rivalry.

This summit may not produce major Middle East deliverables. But that should not obscure a larger reality: the Middle East is rapidly becoming a key arena of the U.S.-China relations.  And whether stated publicly or not, Iran will be in the room.

About the Author
Anne (Annie) Dreazen is Vice President of the American Jewish Committee’s Center for a New Middle East (CNME), where she leads efforts to strengthen ties between Israel and its Arab neighbors and advance regional integration through diplomacy, business, and civil society engagement. She previously spent nearly two decades at the U.S. Department of Defense, most recently serving as Principal Director for Middle East Policy, where she advised senior U.S. officials on regional strategy, security cooperation, and crisis response. Her work has focused on building partnerships across Israel, the Gulf, and the broader Middle East.
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