If You’re Not at the Table, You’re on the Menu

Donald Trump’s Middle East tour represents a challenge for the entire region, with agreements the Republican administration is eager to implement without delay.

Trump is a businessman, and like any mortal, he remains true to his nature. As such, he’s focused on closing deals and moving forward with those willing to engage: whether it’s about releasing hostages, investing in the United States, establishing military cooperation, or other matters. Get the deals done!

Yet, it would be unfair to label Trump solely as a dealmaker. Unlike past US administrations, Trump doesn’t seem interested in promoting democracy or human rights, values that, at least in theory, have long defined American foreign policy. Instead, the president is guided by his campaign promise and his “America First” doctrine.

We could certainly analyze the impact of America First on the post-World War II international order or the global endurance of liberal democracies. But the frenetic pace of the news cycle forces us to focus on more immediate, less structural matters.

So, what does America First mean for the Middle East in May 2025?

It means that Trump will prioritize American interests above those of others, even longstanding allies, regardless of the depth of their relationship or the closeness of their leaders.

This was clearly illustrated in the case of the Houthis.

On May 6, just two days after a missile launched from Yemen struck Ben Gurion International Airport—prompting airline panic and the suspension of flights—Trump announced a ceasefire. The decision took Israel by surprise. The country continues to face missile attacks from Yemen and still lacks a clear strategy for confronting the threat of ballistic missiles from that front.

“America First” means the US puts its own interests first. In Trump’s own words:“The Houthis have announced … that they don’t want to fight anymore. They just don’t want to fight. And we will honor that, and we will stop the bombings, and they have capitulated.”

Trump chose to honor a truce with the Houthis, even at the expense of Israeli security concerns. In other words, the promise to restore stability to strategic maritime routes in the Middle East outweighed the risks posed to Israeli national security.

America First also manifests in Trump’s direct negotiations with Hamas to secure the release of Edan Alexander, an Israeli soldier freed thanks to his dual nationality. Through his regional envoy Steve Witkoff, the Trump administration managed to free a hostage who—according to Hamas’s perverse hierarchy—should have been among the last to be released.

Trump wants deals, and if needed, he’ll pursue them through the channels his administration deems most effective—even without coordination with Israel. Reports claim Witkoff told hostage families in Tel Aviv that Israel is choosing to prolong a war without a clear path forward. If accurate, it wouldn’t be far-fetched to think the Trump administration moved ahead independently, concluding that Israel has no intention of ending the war until Hamas is completely eradicated.

America First is also visible in the multi-billion-dollar negotiations between the US and Saudi Arabia, possibly including a nuclear program, with no requirement for normalization with Israel. Such normalization is not just an Israeli interest—it’s also a strategic one for Washington, paving the way for a reimagined Middle East filled with unprecedented economic opportunities. However, allegedly, the Saudis demand an end to the war and a diplomatic track that might eventually lead to a Palestinian state or autonomous entity—something the current Israeli government rejects as a reward for terrorism.

In this context, Trump chooses to safeguard US economic interests, moving ahead with strategic agreements while ignoring—or at least delaying—the kind of regional order many hoped would counter Iranian influence.

All these developments point to growing tension between Israel and the United States, a tension driven by the imposition of America First over historical alliances. There’s no need to be apologetic or apocalyptic: the US–Israel relationship remains strong, and disagreements are natural when multiple interests are at stake. Still, knowing that America First will define US foreign policy for the next four years, the smart move for Israel is to seek alignment with Washington where possible.

If, as Special Envoy for Hostage Response Adam Boehler said, the US wants a deal to release more hostages—and that’s our goal too—then perhaps eliminating Hamas can wait until after the hostages return.

If the US claims to have reached a ceasefire with the Houthis and is advancing trade agreements with Saudi Arabia, maybe it’s in Israel’s interest to consider the path proposed by Trump and much of the international community: end the war, bring back as many hostages as possible, begin a diplomatic process to replace Hamas, and normalize ties with the Arab world—including Saudi Arabia.

This isn’t about blindly accepting US demands. Israel is a sovereign state and must chart its own course. But it is about understanding that the primary task of foreign policy is to read the international chessboard and maneuver it to serve national interests.

Finding common ground with the United States is always advantageous. And as long as America First governs Washington, Israel must make sure it has a seat at the table—no matter how uncomfortable the menu may be, how unkosher the dishes, or how difficult some dinner companions may be to engage.

The alternative, as the saying goes, could be much worse.